Bisakah Presiden Prabowo Bertahan Hingga 2029 | Bocor Alus Politik

Okay, happy birthday Tempo. I hope this is the last birthday. Because tomorrow is the revolution. Did you say a lot of bad things? A lot. Half of the cabinet.

No, no. Sorry. Sorry, not half. 70%. 17 months, Prabowo became the president. Who is the main enemy of the president? The enemy of the president was not the enemy, but the people who were against him.

Leader or dealer?

When Prabowo was the leader, people wanted to see him as a leader. Why? Because Jokowi was not a leader before, he was a dealer. I fought through this leak and sent a message that the friends of President Prabowo are not friends of fighting.

They are all Mudafik. You used to hang out with Prabowo, right?

Yes, I did.

You're the one who hung out with him. You know his character, right? Yes, I do. Why did he often invite foreign people? What else do you want? You know his character, right? You said it too. Why does he often nude a foreign girl? One small factor makes him

go to the mouth of the provost and the flood. If Gilbert's ambition is not enough, his father will add. Hahaha

Yo jumpa lagi bersama kami di bocor alus politik kali ini kami

dalam rangka ulang tahun tempo kelima-lima kami menghadirkan tamu khusus yaitu

Rocky gerung Okay Okay, happy birthday Tempo. I hope this is the last birthday. Because tomorrow is a revolution.

Two weeks, bro.

Two weeks.

Two weeks more of revolution.

Okay.

Okay, happy birthday.

I'm Antek-Antek Tempo. Antek-Antek Bocerolus. Antek-Antek Bocor Alus. Bocor Alus. Guys, this is the latest edition of Bocor Alus Politik. You can see it on Instagram, Bocor Alus, to buy it. There's a photo of my grandfather.

Since we're on the topic of slow, we'll talk about Prabowo. Mr. Roki, this is the first question. There is an assumption that Rocky Gerung, after Prabowo became president, was not as critical as before.

Do you agree with that, sir? I agree. Why, sir?

He's a troublemaker.

People always say that.

Rocky is as sharp as Jokowi. I'm so sorry. People always say that.

Rock group is as sharp as Jokowi.

Okay, I will beat Prabowo because he made IKN. I will beat Prabowo because he made Utangus. I will beat Prabowo, all kinds of things. Is that right? No, all of that is Jokowi. Yes, because of that. The sharpness is determined by what a person does.

So it's not fair if I'm as sharp as Jokowi to Prabowo. I was also sharp to Jokowi about the IKN, about WUS, about Omnibus Law. It's not to Prabowo. So I didn't avoid it. But what's the sharpness there? Then people said, Rocky, you have to be neutral. So, I hit Prabowo. Okay, I hit Prabowo. Am I neutral? Neutral means I'm the one who chooses, not you who tell me to do it.

That's also what makes this country unable to process its own thoughts. You have to listen to people. If people say, ...you're neutral, okay, I'm neutral. Then I am not neutral because you told me to be neutral. You have to compare me to Prabowo. Okay, I do it. Then it's not my decision. Everyone has autonomy, has the right to express criticism, oppose, to praise

at a certain momentum and in a certain event. So I don't want to serve the public phantasmagoria. But what's in Prabowo, what's not in Jokowi, for example, MBG, village cooperation, what's the problem with the program? The village corporation. It's not a big deal. It's not a big deal if we look at the programs

that are available to Jokowi, but not to Prabowo.

Yes.

Then?

Why didn't you criticize it? I didn't criticize it. I just said, stop the MBG. I said, stop the MBG because it's useless. When did I say that? Every day. You're the one who is late. It's clear that it's the MBG. But what is the MBG?

There is no essence in politics. Because people can debate, yes, it is the constitution, namely the care of the poor. What we can criticize is the excess of the negligence in the regulation, in the organization, and so on. So, it is not fundamental. For me, I want to criticize the fundamental.

So, you just stop the MPG? Yes, I just stop it. Because it causes a lot of controversy. But as an idea, it is an implementation of the constitution. The constitution says, to raise the poor and to make the nation prosperous. Every president is only told by the constitution. The rest is their own business.

The constitution's order is, every president is tasked to make the nation prosperous by raising the poor. The MBG is for the poor. But if the MBG takes the money and. But if the money is taken and the effort to make the nation smarter, MBG is healthy but the brain is not. Because of the intelligence, it is not accepted.

If that's the case, let's stop the criticism. If that's the criticism, let's put it there. So we have to see the trade-off between intelligence and skill. That's new. In the trade-off, there's a budget problem. The king and the queen are happy to see all that. Okay, this is intelligence. The school is free, the curriculum is improved, lunch is done, cooperation is done. So, everything that is part are about the social welfare presentation, he wants people to know about it.

At the same time, there is a problem. It must be a priority. So, that's what I'm criticizing. The president wants to present all that about welfare, and it must be discussed. And we have to talk about it. Because, well, APBN is... What is it? It's a cold leaf or a leaf?

Golkar, please. Yes, because I said that. If it's Golkar, it's a cold leaf. But actually, MBG is not a cold leaf, but also not a palm tree. You have been criticizing MBG for a long time, right?

You call it a project, right? And now, the massive thing is the Merah Putih Cooperation. There is a car event later. Later, there is still a development and all kinds of things. What do you think about this Merah Putih Cooperation? It's the same. There is a constitution.

But people always see that if we eat lunch, we will run out of money every day. If we cooperate, we can grow the autonomy of the village. But then the retail shops... Just the lontong? retail, and... ...the people's shops are also starting to go bankrupt. Not only the retail shops, but also the oligarch shops.

So, actually, if we look at the philosophy of the constitution, the economy is governed by three forces. One, corporation, which means accumulation. The company is allowed. The second, BUMN, which means the public health. The third is corporation, which is about distribution.

So, all three are acknowledged in Indonesia. The problem is the balance between accumulation, BUMN, and corporation must be maintained by regulation. That's all. If it's problematic, it's because of corruption. Because it's being investigated by the corrupt officials in the corruption. So, it's not the wrong idea.

All the executions?

Yes, the executions. Not the executions, but the executors. How many of them were you talking about? A lot.

Half of the cabinet.

No, no, sorry, sorry.

Sorry, not half.

70 percent.

But why did Prabowo let those criminals go?

Well, if there was a team of smooth leakers who leaked those criminals to Prabowo, maybe he would have erased all of them. But the president lost, if I'm not mistaken, he lost his job. the smooth leak that leaked the board to Prabowo, maybe he will destroy the board. But the president lost, if I look at it from the outside, he lost his exclusivism. The discussion team that made it possible for him to get an alternative point, to get insight, the discussion team that played Devil's Advocate. But there was none, sir.

The only ones were Hombalang Boy,

Kertanegara Boy, or Palmera Boy. Sir, you said that all of Prabowo were doing it at the same time. I didn't say that. I said that I noticed that Mr. Prabowo's hobby is to show off social justice, to show off social welfare. He doesn't count that once he's shown off,

the audience of the show, Mr. ...

EO.

EO, he directly takes 30 percent. Whereas the APBN is also impossible to back up completely. In 5 years, it can be 2 first, 2 second. All of these are put together when displayed. That's right. With a situation like that, while we don't have that much money,

the geopolitical conditions are also unstable. I also read and heard that you said that in February 2026, there will be social unrest if it's not managed properly. It's been passed, right? That's the prediction. I didn't count it, because it was Eid. Eid.

But it's February, right? February is social unrest. And the unrest is caused by the army. The army sent 100,000 people to Jakarta. It's the same, right? For whatever reason. Well, it's about Iran. It's too far. That's the thing. Obviously, each political player behind the scenes was looking for the potential of social unrest. So, they sent each other signals, false flags. And that's what makes us nervous. Actually, if you just follow the Prime Minister of Singapore,

he openly told the people that there is a shortage of economy, it is more serious than COVID. the Prime Minister talked to the public. The President of the Philippines also knew that there would be a shortage of BBM supplies from the Hormuz. So he said, okay, from now on, reduce the working hours so that there won't be many people using cars. Well, we changed it to increase the price,

because we're stupid.

No, not stupid. Sorry, I'm waiting.

There are alternatives. I just want to work. So that I can consume more. This is just to raise the price in a bad economy. No income.

One of the enablers can do it.

I don't know why I use the term enabler. But do you think if that happens, will it be worse than August 2025? It will be worse. Because all the variables that make people suspect that a radical social crisis will happen,

are on our table. We can count them all. If the LPG from America, for example, it seems that it has been ordered from America, it's just a little late. It's my mother's kitchen.

I can't cook.

They have a potential to go down the road, right?

Yes. They go down the road. And they also deliver food. No one wants to be delivered. So, we can imagine that my mother will bring the empty plate and make a fuss on the street.

And that's what can give a signal that we are already in the condition of the beginning of the end. What should Prabowo do, Bang? I'll try to do a VR first. Okay, Bang. According to you, with all the conditions, for 17 years, no, 17 months, Prabowo became the president.

Who was the main enemy of the president? Who was his closest friend, actually? If it's the enemy, it seems like... Many? Here's the thing. He couldn't even classify the enemy.

Enemy means something that is equal to me. If I say, you are my enemy, you must be equal. If not equal, it means our opponent is a scoundrel, a thief, etc. So it seems that the Prawo doesn't have an enemy in the understanding of Karl Smith. I use a little philosophy. For the rivalry, there must be an ethic. Just like Donald Trump and Ali Khamenei. They are not rivals.

Because Donald Trump considers Ali Khamenei as a traitor. He considers his enemy as an equal opponent. If Benjamin Netanyahu and Ali Khamenei are equal. If Benyamin asked me and Ali Khamenei, we are equal. Because you are my enemy, I respect your ideological position, I also explain my historical position. So, this is a more honest rivalry. But, unlike before, President Prabowo has no enemy in that education.

So, we cannot see the President saying something in an effort to maintain stability by rationally opposing. There is no opposition there. What does that mean? He is in a battle with the bad guys.

Where? In the parties. What is his position? He is the cabinet minister. The 70% you mentioned earlier. 70%. They are not the enemy. They are the other side. So, once again, to be clear, the enemy means there is an ethical tolerance.

There is honesty in the enemy. The one in the presidential cabinet is not the enemy. But it is the other side. It means the people around him. Not around him. In front of, but in front of him. And the people around him are not visible.

So, what does it mean?

How does he manage these primers? As a politician, of course, he has to calculate the momentum, the capacity of the Green Rush itself has to be strong first, and then the back lines, there must be parties that are in favor. This is about the power transaction that has been said and signed together when President Prabowo established the cabinet. We can't imagine Golkar, for example,

being removed due to many problems. Two are removed. Of candidates, we will remove them. But we will replace them. It is impossible to replace them with professionals. Because the agreement is only valid when the cabinet is formed. It is difficult. So, even if we have to remove Bajingan, we cannot replace him.

That is the dilemma. You once said that Prabowo should be able to get rid of Jokowi. In the last 17 months, have Prabowo succeeded? Yes, he has.

Or is he the enemy?

The enemy in the army. He succeeded because Jokowi seemed to be starting to oppose Prabowo. What was the indicator? Well, the president promised to stay in Solo for 10 years, but suddenly he wanted to go to 300 regencies. He was not opposing, actually.

He started to assume that the agreements, roughly speaking, maybe Prabowo agreed to enlarge the PSI. But because there was no signal, Mr. Jokowi gave up. That's how it felt. At least I did. But he said, Jokowi's life. You can also say it's Tempo Dungu. But in the opposite meaning.

Tempo Dungu. Because of that, reading, reading, reading. It's important. That's the gimmick.

But according to you, 17 months of Prabowo's government,

compared to the first 17 months of Jokowi's government, which one is better? Jokowi is better. Quantitatively, Jokowi is better. Prabowo is not able to manage the power in his hands to the maximum. Even though his legitimacy is stronger than Jokowi's. In comparison, Jokowi. With a low legitimacy,

well, legitimacy, not electability. The civil society considers that Jokowi's legitimacy is low, but because of political ethics, his electability is high. On the other hand, the government considers was considered to be strong in legitimacy. Why? Because he was against Jokowi at that time. We have to consider that if he was against,

he should have made it in a qualitative way, not in a quantitative way. But maybe in the next 2-3 days, And there was something that showed that President Prabowo understood that he had to make a kind of limitation. A limitation of public opinion that directed him as if he was still part of Jokowi. Well, that's about political interest. But from the ethics, as far as I know, President Prabowo, the person who helped him is not him.

He betrayed him.

Yes, there is a kind of ethics of determination. But if the number and quality of pressure increases, of course he must be rational to assume that his ethics are relatively ethical. When did you last meet Prabowo? rational to think that his ethics are relative.

When did you last meet Prabowo? It's been a long time. A year ago.

What has changed about him?

I'm the one who has changed the way I see him.

How?

We still want... there is... Let me find the term. At least a signal that the policy direction is produced by intellectual conversation. The policy direction is the result of rational debate. At the beginning, I think so. Because we knew there was a team there that met the nearby friends. So, we believed that they knew this, they would talk to Prabowo about it. They knew that. But it seems that the team is gone. It's gone or ineffective. Every time we hear about Prabowo, we only see Teddy, Pras, who else?

There are many people. R and J. But we know that the people around here are using it administratively. But they can't supply intellectual ideas to the president. Or even conceptual. All of those are techniques that are provided. Here, you want to ask for a budget, it's blocked. If this one asks for it, because of that,

there is a social pleasure, just give it to him. So whoever is nagging at President Prabowo, there is no filter anymore. So he traps everyone, right? The president traps the foreign minister, even.

He's the finance minister again.

That's it. Does it mean that he has lived or run the government for 17 months in his own bubble, sir? How do you run the government for the past 17 months in the bubble? The danger is if the bubble breaks, people will look for a definition. If it breaks, the break will be covered by the civil society, by the power of the civil society, or will be supplied by the military.

We start to feel that there is a creeping militarism. And that was not allowed. Because the president seemed to give a signal that he would eventually be on the side of the military. With the Tempo news, all the offices were even controlled by the military. That was not good. So, we want to revive the politics. There is tension, but it has to be tension in the civilian society. So, the competition between the civilian society is democracy. That's what I criticized to the President Prabowo, that the impression of

the military that prevails, it causes public distrust. It turned out that the president who had been building or establishing political parties for decades was still permissive to the military efficiency. You mentioned that there are almost no people who are academically discussing. It was done during the time of our founding fathers.

Okay.

Does Prabowo mean that he is not like our founding fathers? Or how? Because his style is similar to Soekarno. The initial idea, as I remember, Prabowo wanted to be a socialist leader. I even asked him when he was still the Minister of Defense, do you want to be the first socialist leader in Indonesia? He said, no. He even wanted to be the socialist leader in Asia. Now he is in a bind. Why? Because he is too close to Trump,

Putin, Jinping. He must have strengthened it when he was in Asia. The region, right? Southeast Asia. Yes. He repeated what was done in Labungkana. He built a new bridge between Asia and Africa. So that he could appear as a store. If he appears as a store, he gets ideological support

because these are post-colonial countries, they have a standing here. This is just like Trump. So, historically, he lost his reputation in Asia and Africa. But he is also not as adhesive. He was easy. I think he is lost again. He is not in our country. It is a pity. So, his level of playing ground,

his playing field is too high. Suddenly he wants to be a world leader. Even though he has the capacity, but the capacity of Indonesia with all kinds of corruption, all kinds of political uncertainty, makes people think that it's a bubble. Do you see that, Bang? Maybe Mr. Prabowo, you said that there were friends of the discussion. Now, because there are no friends of the discussion,

does Mr. Prabowo put himself as a leader of other countries, especially in America, Russia, and all kinds of countries? Because his friends are the same. In the last year, he has been abroad for several days, almost three months, if I'm not mistaken. Yes, that's what I said earlier.

I want to play in a class that ... That class is him, but not this class. That's his class, but not the class of this nation. This country should start with the foundation of road democracy, growth of health, and less disparity. Then he will use this to say, I am the leader of Indonesia. But now, it's just because he is the president. Not because he is the leader. Because he is the president. Not because he is the leader.

Because he is the president, there is a need to make a club with the world elite. Leader or dealer? You said it. Prabowo is a leader or a dealer? Bang Roky Gerung mentioned about dealer and leader. In his oration.

Do you think Prabowo is a leader or a dealer?

When Prabowo was a leader, people wanted to see him as a leader. Why? Because Prabowo was not a leader before. He was a dealer. That was his distinctive character. Now, after 17 months, people see that Prabowo is a dealer too. Especially because of BOP. So, even though it is considered a kind of tactic,

but it is a tactic that the argument is presented after the uncertainty. There is no argument from the beginning that we wanted to enter the Palestine with the capacity of a former state, with the ability to organize the strength of the Islamic community. It wasn't justified from the beginning. Lately, the reason is being searched for.

I think that the delusion is more readable than the delusion. With the del of the arrogance, you said that this is actually a momentum or an opportunity for the civilian people to catch. Yes. What must be prepared or must be owned by the civilian people? As you explained earlier in the oration.

We want the ethos of the value is revived. We believe that this country is in a state of chaos, economically and politically. But the crime is still there. We don't see the needy in the government anymore. The talk show, the unwanted, They want to be officials. If there is a president or a Dasko in front of them, they will be all praising. Even though, I think, Prabowo, what are they doing?

Or Dasko, they want me to support them. That is fake. I know Dasko, I know Prabowo. So, these people are the ones who devaluate the idea of elitism in politics. These stores are for the branches that are still available, right? We can easily see that, see that it was a quality.

Because of that, the quality of the head of UGM's BEM was directly passed to them. And that was really good. That friend. So, in your opinion, Prabowo is not as great as that? In the end, we saw that he was less great.

Is my sentence diplomatic?

It's okay, bro.

Or is he just trying to look great? Yes, because earlier, a president who has a career in administration, he must understand that he is respecting, not respecting. Now, those around him are giving respect. And President Prabowo can't tell which is respect and which is not. That is for a leader, especially someone who is behind the military.

The first ethic of someone who comes from behind the military is to make a decision. And the habit of making decisions is from the beginning. Because President Prabowo has never been in a civil area, territory for example, he is always in charge. Now he is in the civil politics. He has to make a decision through a dispute. Well, he has no friends to dispute with. As a result that my friends, or not friends, but the circle of President Prabowo were not rivals.

They were all Mudafik. Please don't edit it. But you see, the thing is, back then Prabowo went to America, sorry, to Davos, joined the BOP, fought with the republic. Then he invited all kinds of scholars, all kinds of ex-members.

In this context, Iran, he also did the same thing. So, what is he looking for, sir? Just to get support, or just to talk about it in the forums? So, if you invite, SBY, we know that the SBY is already there. Geopolitics.

Geopolitics. It's a sign that they don't work. Okay. It's a sign that the research institutions don't supply ideas. Because in the end, the ideas are sought by the personnel, by the people. There must be a think tank that back up it.

We don't see that the president was backed up by a think tank. Because the back-up situation, they asked for an individual to explain it. If the individual came, there must be a little interest in it. Once the interest started to see each other, the president was confused. So, as long as there is no special team, the president will ask people to come. Come, let me know about the opposition, about Iran, about the economy. The more people, the more indecisive.

He was also confused in the end. Yes. The psychological reaction was not complete. The president had to have a team that was just that. It was like... What was it called?

KP4?

West Wing. West Wing didn't exist. That was the only problem. West Wing that continuously, West Wing. There is no West Wing. That's the only problem. West Wing is the one that continuously observes the situation, and briefs the president every 20 minutes. It's good, right? If that's the way.

But that depends on...

It should be West Wing. It depends on the West Wing's team is decisive. But what if Prabowo already has a preference? That, yes, I want to play at that level, while whatever input will not make sense. If a president is individualistic,

has a preference, doesn't want to be regulated, he makes a team so that there is a debate theme. So West Wing was made to be a devil's advocate. That's it. So, West Wing was made to be devil's advocate. That's the point. It's a balance. But he also has, don't forget, he also has a president, his name is Gibran. That's Teng or Ting. So, Wapres himself hasn't shown his best performance yet?

What do you expect from something that has been discussed many times and failed to be promoted? It's the tempo that makes the definition, so he can't do it. You ask for my permission. Do you worry about his steps, Bang? He's approaching high school students. High school students who, in 2029 or 2034, will potentially choose him.

Yes, he can go anywhere. So what? Every day.

So what?

So that everyone will find the honest explanation from the smooth leak. That's how dialectics are. When you're over-pumped, the smooth leak suddenly appears. That's how it is. The fact is, it's public relation. More importantly, public opinion, as I explained earlier.

Sir, during the time of the foreign minister, who held the republic? It should be WAPRES. The one who held the republic was Terry's WAPRES and Pras' WAPRES. It's impossible to be WAPRES.

Why is that, sir?

We know that it was ordered by the deep state so that it was ordered by the deep state. So, don't delegate something to the hands of ... ... well, the hands of that kind. The hands of that kind. Suddenly, it's gone.

I can guess the situation. Of course, it's impossible. I think the president is very careful. Even the representative? Yes, he should be more careful with the representative than with the tempo. Because the tempo is open. Gibran is in the political sphere that can still be influenced by President Jokowi.

So, if the water is made into a pond, the impact will be on the president. President Jokowi will never stop his intention to enlarge Gibran. That's the logic. He still wants to spy on you. He still wants to spy on me. So, it's not because of Gibran that President Prabowo is now, what was it, Waspada? No. Because Gibran is a chemistry with a kind of power that still

entices him. That's what happens in realist politics. You used to hang out with Prabowo, right? Yes, I did. You know his character. You said that too.

I know.

Why does he often invite foreigners? What does he mean by that?

That's why I asked you.

One of them is Tempo, and then there is Influencer. Oh, the Indonesian people became foreign antec.

Yes, foreign antec.

Well, there was no such thing before. In the presidential election, all the mess in the Republic, wherever it is, it must be foreign work. Infiltration in the state of ... ... corruption too, right? Yes, corruption. It's normal, right?

Especially Indonesia. Indonesia's economy is very lucrative. All the mineral turbines are there. Potential, and all that. That's why it's targeted by foreigners. And that thought became the main curriculum

in the head of the Prime Minister since when? Since 2019, right? It's been going on. So, it hasn't been edited yet. So, that's what's coming out. It's become ... Alam Bosadar? Yes. It's become a template. That's it. If there's a discussion, it shows that,

Pak Prabowo never discusses about it. To know that people are already annoyed with the anti-Sassy, maybe he is confused himself. Like he is confused to see, why the topic of Genteng becomes a problem?

Well, it's wrong.

The key is that there is no discussion partner. Discussion partner is equal. If the president talks for 5 minutes, we can talk for 5 minutes. If we talk for 2 minutes, the president can talk for 7 hours. It is not possible. You mentioned in the program, the government is more focused on public relations than public opinion.

Maybe you can explain to the viewers what is the reason for you to say that. Public relations means the government rents people to praise themselves. Especially the survey, journalists, buzzers, etc. While public opinion means the way society reads the government's policy, then it gives an opinion in the form of a test. So, public opinion comes from the third party to the first party. Public relations, the first party hires the second party to promote the first party.

That's the trick. Well, that's the job of journalists to produce public opinion. The job of these journalists is to produce public relations. As a result, you can finally differentiate. Well, this is all about public relations. That's what the survey institutions do, which just promote the president or whoever with the public relation method. It was just PR. The survey institute said, we surveyed the data. Yes, but that was a public survey.

What is your public responsibility? The use of public reason or public use of reason? It must be in the conversation, not just a graphic statistic. That is democracy. The deliberation is there. But if we call for a discussion here, the margin of error is there. Well, I'm stupid.

Bang, the dollar is 17,000, right? We discussed earlier. 17,400. 17,400. We can say that, right? Oil will also increase, and all kinds of things. What do you think Prabowo should do, Bang? Later in the middle of next month or maybe next week, there will be an economic crisis. The point is austerity, right? Just saving.

Saving. Yes, because that's the MBG, at least it should be stopped. Stop. Then, what's the mitigation? Well, even if it comes, the price will be higher. Everything will be higher.

If the president wants to, the MPGI should just replace the total electricity subsidy. We can just free up the electricity. We have the advantage of electricity, right? Because it's industrialized, right? We can free up the electricity. Then we can distribute the electricity stove.

At least for 3 months, my mother was safe. It prevented the empty plate from reaching the palace. Bahlil got a project, how many million electric motorbike later? Bahlil got it from Prabowo's government. Who is that? Bahlil.

Who is he? My friend. In the previous podcast, he would call it the devil. But, Bang, with all these issues, do you think or do you have confidence that Prabowo will continue to survive until 2029? This is as an analyst, as a person who pays attention to the trace of legitimization. This is especially about legitimization. It is impossible to stay there. Moreover, we know that after the legitimization is reduced,

Prabowo, I mean Jokowi, Gibrani, must have been more involved. So, it was not only because of the objective analysis, but also because of the subjective analysis from Mr. Jokowi's point of view. But our politics was determined only by Jokowi and Prabowo. And of course, Mrs. Mega was ready to do some kind of consolidation if there was...

A spy too, right?

Yes. If there was a crisis in politics. That's it. And if, let's say, Prabowo falls, will Gibran fall too? Of course. Because the social cost is heavy for Indonesia. Because education, education, and cadre were not intensively done for 10 years. So, actually, the anxiety is here. Economic difficulties, uncertainty, and the direction of the republic have been here for 10 years. One small factor made him go into the mouth of Prabowo, into the flood. So, he was in trouble.

That was the danger of President Prabowo. The accumulation of anger and inconsistency of President Jokowi was like a small wave that swallowed Prabowo. That is what we have to be honest. If President Prabowo was a successor of a stable economy and a united politics, he could have lasted until 2009. So, Prabowo Foundation came with a lot of money, but the corruption of the political institution was highly suspicious among the ethnic groups.

So, I said, Joko Wila is the one who laid the foundation of the corruption of the national foundation. So, it's in Prabowo now? Yes, it's in Prabowo now.

But it's possible.

The subconscious is like that. But we still think that Prabowo is the president, he can reverse everything. But can civil society also be prepared? You said earlier that there are three stages. Ethicability,

Intellectuality, and then electability. Can you explain that to me? That civil society also has the opportunity to prepare three fuels? Yes, because if we start to look at the direction of 2029 from now on, there is ambition. The most ambitious is definitely Gibran. That's real there.

Gibran is his father. Gibran is his father. If Gibran's ambition is not enough, his father will add more. Because if we imagine, President Jokowi has a lot of cases. And he can only be saved if his blood is the one that makes him the president. Lumrah, in Jokowi's mind, not our mind, Jokowi thinks like that. If he wants to be a citizen,

he can do that. He said, from the beginning, Gibran, you just stop being the president. Let's go back to Solo. Because the culture of Indonesian politics is burdening you. I can him, I was tired. Mr. Jokowi will remember. He said, Gibran, you told Mr. Prabowo,

don't be afraid. I'm here, Mr. Prabowo. So, don't be afraid, Gibran. I'm here. This is... The Kremlinology. Or the way Masha Veli read Florence's politics at that time. Because he wrote it in the book The Prince. It's like that. So, we time there is a small trait, it will be considered to be enlarged.

It will be passed on to the power. You said that if Prabowo is in the lead, Gibraltar is in the lead. But if Prabowo is not the president, the price will be high. That's what the constitution says so. If we talk about the main offices, intelligence, military police, we talk about Mr. Gibran. It's like the time has passed since 1998, we should just follow Mr. Arto.

We talk about the WHA.

If that happens, we still have to prepare. One is the ethic ability. The ethic capacity of a leader must be open.

How to do that?

You will answer that at the end. The second is intellectuality. So, you must have the ethic ability, intellectuality, and intellect. That means every leader must be involved in all issues around the world. What are the issues? One, the global security issue. He must understand it. Two, the environmental policies, environmental ethics. He must understand it. Three, human solidarity.

It is tested on his intellectuality. The one before, the ethicality was tested. Did he ever lie to his mother? He was involved in corruption. Even though he was a bandit, he was already a failure. He had good ethical ability and intellectual ability. Then we allowed him to go to the survey agency to test his electability. Don't be surprised if he was tested for his electability.

He was a bad man in terms of ethics and intellect. Even though it's ethically hollow and not intellectual, the civil society must have that filter. And the civil society has a melting pot in Bocoranus. This is a question from me. In August 2025, the Civil Society was united. Suddenly, the Influencer Corridor collapsed, which was a miracle for 17 plus 8.

Can you give us a note so that in the future, there will be a mass protest or a demonstration? It won't happen again like that, like in August 2025. It seems that the police have learned from the Del Pedro case. And it also shows that the same-law is no longer possible. Because the young judges in 2009 will be the head of the court.

I say that because I taught at the Supreme Court. So, I know how they think. The opportunity to promote a smart judge, the reputation of this young judge will prevent the arrest of activists. And activists also learn a lot that the agreement to protect civil society

must be beyond the gap between them. We know that the OKP is controlled by this shop, the economy is built on the ministerial envelope. We know that. But with the August election, it was reminded that the right to revive rationality in politics can only be started in the campus forum. So, I still encourage people to start to have free speech. To show that civil society has the tools to defend themselves and to imagine Indonesia that was imagined during the independence.

Wow, that's a wise statement. Is it possible for us, the civilian society, to face the army in the end? It's not the civilian society that will face the army. The army will try to block the ideas of the civil society. Why is that? Because it is a competition among the elite of the army. Not in the army infrastructure. I met many officers,

especially those who studied abroad, like the one that started with the first star, the first class, they learned about politics, about civilian values. So, there is a gap, a gap culture between them. I asked them, why don't you want to be involved in politics? Well, many of the foreign schools understood that after the reformation, the army had to be different. And they were the top 2000th army. So, they understood that.

So, there was no span of command that suddenly one direction. There must be a gap below, especially the middle-class people who people who think that Indonesia cannot continue like this. And the army, even though its origin is the struggle, the genesis of power, with the people, the people must lead the army now. So, I conclude that even among these young soldiers, they fully understand the supremacy of civilian values.

If you meet President Prabowo, what would you say to him? In these days. Please listen to the history in a short time, what is being discussed in Bocerolus.

Okay? Keep watching Bocerolus Politik on Timbo.co

and you can also listen to it on Spotify, Bojor Alus Politik See you!

Hi! Happy birthday, Timbo! Hi! Happy birthday, Timbo! I'm going to buy a pension