BISIKAN ISTANA: PRABOWO PERINTAHKAN KAPOLRI USUT DALANG DEMO RICUH

when we destroyed the cars of the state officials, because the hatred has been accumulating for 30 years. Now, how can hatred be orchestrated through massive social media movements to make hatred accumulate?

Who were the people who were active yesterday?

There was no group that was called the Anabas, there was no group the Megawati. If Jumhur Begra, it's one million. Habib Rizik Begra, one million. That doesn't shake Jakarta. If there was someone who was killed,

then it will be exaggerated. That in the era of Prabowo, there was a murder just like in the past. So they want to be labeled as a criminal. So, that person must have a scenario to make Prabowo to be able to get over it faster. Fufufu Apa, or Gibran, or whoever his name is.

There must be a detailed discussion. If we get the President, we will get the President. Don't tell me that what Honi Rukandini said is true. It's true that the President only has 2 years of concession. So in 2026 or 2027, Prabowo resigned. Gibran became the president.

Prabowo had to order Capolri to tell the public who was in the demo on 25 August. Prabowo didn't want the demo people to be killed. In Jokowi's time, if it could be, it would be dead. Jokowi's time

Jokowi's time Jokowi's time

Jokowi's time My fellow Madinah, throughout history, we have always seen that inequality has almost always been a fuel for a revolution. And now, it's hard for us to deny that all of that is almost right in front of our eyes. The price of rice is soaring, according to the BPS, in Pap in Papua is up to IDR 50,000 per kilogram, while in Java alone it has reached the number that almost reaches IDR 20,000.

In other 200 points, the price varies but is always above the HET or the highest interest rate. Meanwhile, the people who are confused, being pinched by taxes and the rice price, suddenly see the most miserable view of the members of the DPRK, which when associated with the rise or the presence of housing for them, suddenly the people feel that they are getting further and further away from the representative. Are there two demonstrations that took place on August 25 and August 28,

is there or is there a link to this? For that, we will try to ask someone who has long been an activist and it seems that the activist's blood will not disappear. That person is the Chairperson of the Board of Directors of the Great Institute, Bang Sagan Danai Kulan. Thank you, Bang. Assalamualaikum.

Waalaikumsalam Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh. You once said that one of the strategies of the enemies of President Prabowo is to mobilize hatred towards him. Did you hear the August 25th demonstration yesterday and today's demonstration? Is it one of the origins of this strategy? Well, if we look at it, in this society,

we can map the community groups, right? There are community groups that are called the Abah children. We know that the Abah children are a group that cannot be claimed just like that. But people see that Sunarko from the forum of the KPI, Egi Sujana, TPUA for false justice, my group, we, the Coalition for the Safety of Indonesia, even though we are not the Aba's children,

but the society, I mean, the clustering, no one moved on the 25th. Including our network, for example, Jumhuridayat, which has a network to students, teachers and students, no one moved. The PDIP group, another cluster,

if the voters are in 03, if I'm not mistaken, earlier it was 01, we can see that no one moved. Because if someone moved, I would recognize them. The Adian group below, I would recognize them. No one moved.

So, this group must be clustered here. So, that's how we observe, we see that this is in the group that moved yesterday. The question is, does that movement have a foundation of motivation? For example, the nature of the movement is because of hatred of inequality and others, yes, it must be there. But this orchestrated, of course we are suspicious, right?

It means that there is a possibility of support. Not necessarily, but. It's possible. Because we see that suddenly they do chaotic movements with vandalism and so on. There are people who just drive their cars well and then they are destroyed. This is not 1998. They know about 1998.

We are the ones who understand 1998 when we destroyed state offices' cars and so on. Because the hatred was been accumulating for 30 years. Now, how can hatred be orchestrated through massive social media movements to make hatred accumulate? In the current situation of people living in a state of anxiety, Indonesia is dark and so on. Indonesia is in a state of anxiety.

Of course it can be easily moved. The main problem is that there is no one to answer. If we look at the world, for example, the movement of the open gate, Gaza Gate Movement, it's from all over the world. It's from all over the world to Egypt to break the border at the Gate of Giza

so that the aid of humanity can enter. The whole world was moving, but there was an organizer. There was a Palestine Action. There was no one responsible. Every movement that had no one to be held responsible, that movement is dangerous, because it creates chaotic potential.

And thank God, it's not in the empty group. I see this father, and in the group, there is a mother, so I see, oh, it means another group. Okay. Now, if that's what happened, is there any of the groups that were actually apolitical, but they were pushed by the needs and difficulties of life,

so that they went down the road. Just to find, let's say, the catharsis of their life's difficulties. No, we see in the media. In the old days, it was called propaganda. So, it can be exploited, what happened in the DPR as a symbol of equality. People flexing happily with an amazing salary.

Meanwhile, people are having a hard time. People eat 5000 pera at once on the side of the road. Meanwhile, they earn 50 million per day. There is a social hatred. And it has a right. So, in the theory of movement,

in sociology, there is a social movement, new social movement. It's more advanced now. In the era of IT, Internet of Things, etc. So people observe now, it can move people through the media. It's fast and easy now. to make people brainwashed. With an anonymous orchestration. Anonymous.

Anonymous. That they have their own roots. There must be. Groups come in groups. Because they know each other. In the theory of mass action, since we were students, we always make the group.

For example, if we want to move 10,000 people, 1,000 people are definitely our people. As the active cell. Yesterday, we saw it in the match-ups. The groups were there. So, it wasn't like he was not orchestrated.

He was orchestrated, but he didn't have a responsibility. Why didn't he have a responsibility? Because he didn't say, this is my brother. Right?

This is my responsibility.

Yes. Because the importance of our movement is that we need a responsible person. Like I said earlier, Palestine Action, for example. Whatever the name is. In the past, there was a time when Jokowi was the one who was responsible for the Omnibus Law. He was responsible for the destruction of the KPK.

He was responsible for the KPK's law. He was responsible for the KUHP. Jokowi was responsible for manyP. Jokowi was not a big deal back then. But there are the responsibility. Because the responsibility is important. Because social action has to be achieved.

What do they want? If they just ask for the DPR to be dissolved, it's true. It's true. That's the solution. No, I mean, if they don't want to dissolve, what should we do? We used to say,

if you don't want to listen to our actions, we will come back next week. That's how we do social movement. Who are the people who were active yesterday? Because you said, but we also heard that there are certain cells that are active. Do you know who they are?

I don't know them. I mean, I saw in all the videos that were sent by the Bredar, there was no group that was called Ana Aba, there was no Megawati group. Meanwhile, there are strong groups with the network. If Jumhur Begraak, it's 1 million. Habib Rizik Begrak, 1 million. Jakarta is not shaken. If Jumhur Habib Rizik, Megawati,

for example, if they unite, Begrak will have millions of people. But they don't have Begrak. What did Begrak do? We don't blame Begrak. But what Begrak That's a question. You can't do anything. Who are you? You are not in Megawati's group.

You are not in Abba's group. Which group are you in? We are all in the same group. Which group are you in? This is another thing that is still related to the previous one. Since a few years ago, how many? That's right. We sometimes, if we want to do a demo, we have to have some kind of information

to the police. So, what happened yesterday can be confirmed that there is no information to the police so that later it can't even the police know the affiliation of these groups. If the police don't know, it's not right. Because the police have intelligence. The bin has intelligence. There must be a DNA detection.

How to detect DNA? People gather anywhere, they know from RTW. Sir, there is a gathering here at this hotel from the hotel manager. So the police know. It's certain that if they don't know, it means they failed to become a police.

Yes, if there is a major riot or something, it's not allowed, right? Even if they don't ask for permission or give a statement, even if it's a demonstration, the police must be able to handle it. They must know. We'll see what they do next.

I see that the police now are a bit different from the police in Jokowi's time. In Jokowi's time, the police could beat people as he wants. In the era of Prabowo, there is a little bit of a paradigm shift. Because Prabowo didn't want the Demo people to be killed. In the era of Jokowi, if it can be killed, it will be killed. There is a sentence, if the law allows it, it was said by President Jokowi at that time. Yes. In Jokowi's time, I was in charge of a thousand people who were punished by Jokowi.

Those who were bleeding, were stripped, were cut with cars, etc. There are people I'm in charge of now. The meaning of the registration is that in in the past, it was barbarian. But now, Prabowo is pro-democracy. So, I am sure that he has an ultimatum that the police should not stop the demonstration. So, I see that even though we see that there was no notice,

because he had no responsibility, maybe the police didn't want to take the barbarian's attitude. Okay. You are also very close to Mr. Jumhur. I saw in some media, there was a kind of accusation that the decline of Bang Jumhur today, what is the name of his bird, was considered as a burden.

Can it be said like that or is it actually an effort to strengthen the two bird powers? No. Jumhur is a person who to President Prabowo. Because Prabowo raised the salary of the workers by 6.5%. In Jokowi's time, it was 1%. So, he is grateful to Prabowo. So, he saw that it's not the time for this guy to criticize Prabowo. For example, Iqbal wants to ask for a raise of 8.5% to 10.5%.

Meanwhile, the entrepreneurs want to increase it to 2% to 3%. Prabowo has already increased it by 6.5%. In theory, this is a good achievement if Prabowo can maintain the 6.5%. Because our economy is not good. We shouldn't ask for 8.5% or 9%. The advice I got from Jumhur is that he wants Prabowo to... As long as Prabowo is good to the hunter,

he doesn't want to create an unstable atmosphere. So he told his time, his time, not Iqbal's time. Iqbal has his own time, Jumhur has a bigger time. Because Jumhur is the biggest hunting organization in Indonesia. SPSI, right? While Iqbal is just a piece of glue.

So, KSPSI has glue. The glue is broken. The leader is Arief. And the leader is Iqbal. Iqbal is like a SPI. So, people want to know the mass of millions of people.

So, they want to know the future of millions of people. So, they want to tell the future that it's not their action. But they don't forbid it. They can't forbid people from the same organization.

But actually, between the two of them, there is no kind of clash. Maybe it's too hard.

Is there any kind of conflict between Mas Iqbal and Bang Juhur? I don't understand. I don't understand. I think there is no conflict. The DPR members that we realize, they must have a better education than the public, they do things that in the times of the people like this,

it hurts the heart of the voters themselves. Well, in the time of Gus Dur, he said that the DPR was a child's friend. In the time of Jokowi,, DPR was just like a baby. It was a baby. It was like a baby. It was like a baby.

It was like a baby. It was like a baby. In this era, the DPR is trying to develop into a DPR that has dignity. It is seen now that Puan Maharani, then the leaders of Dasku, Cucun, etc. They have their a perspective. But the DPR as a whole, it's the result of the barbaric democracy. So, the artists, I'm sorry, not the artists,

but the people who don't read much, the people who are instant, the children, the daughters-in-law, all of them are now in charge of the DPR. The little kids who don't understand the country, they never read Thomas Huber, John Locke, etc.

Suddenly they become a member of the DPR. This is a phenomenon. But the spirit of the leaders, I see, for example, when the TNI law was debated, so it didn't immediately come to the TNI law, because the Prime Minister wants to like the PNI law is being violated. Because the government wants to pass the PNI law. So, the law is being violated.

But it's not like that now. So, the government is not like that. If Jokowi wants to pass the law, Om Nibus will be done. There will be no hearing. It's starting to be good.

But there is one thing, people still have about it. The second reason is that in Indonesia, since the Jokowi era, the palace has been used to dance. It's not like a room card. Do you remember?

It's a sacred palace in the Suwarto era. In the Jokowi era, people usually dance. Even in the press, people dance. Finally, people in DPR, when they raised the rent, they dance. Meanwhile, the people already hate dancing.

We are already having a hard time in this era. Why don't they be sensitive? They are used to dancing. But they are not sensitive because they don't read the situation. It's dangerous. And there is something worse.

The tail is still moving. When there is a member of the DPR who called the public a fool, then the public answered him with a debate challenge. With the statement that he is a fool. That's because we can see that he is an instant result. He never studied politics, never read political books.

He was a regular businessman in Jakarta, and suddenly he became the top DPRK in the past. Now he is not the top anymore, but people still see him as the top. If I am not mistaken, he was in the third commission. That's the fact of the day. This is a transition. Prabowo wants to make a big change,

while Jokowi's regime is still a bad culture. This is the report of the situation. The attitudes that then legitimize the DPR, the statement of Tolo, jogging in the middle of public's insensitivity. How can it be eliminated? Do the governments have to join to eliminate this culture? Or is it just a set of DPR's responsibility? What is the difference between the people of the 1990s and the people of the present? There are only two changes in the world.

There is revolution and evolution. If revolution happens to the people of the present, like in 1998, there will be a significant change. If we look at the people of the past, People in Pak Harto's era, when they see the president's grandchildren, they are dazzled.

Because they are like royal grandchildren. They are glamorous, and they are in the control. But when the reformation happens, it will change the years in Indonesia from 1998 to 2010. The spirit of the people will come out. The spirit of libertarianism? No. The spirit of building a country for the people. There was a phase from the Habibi era to the SBI era.

It was so intense. People felt that people should be the state officials, like the DPR. For example, the DPR, when they were in the Centuri case, they faced the SBI as the president. They were the legislative,

and they were the executive. They were in the war, right? They were in the Kubo-Ishinayan War, right? And they were not afraid of him, even though he was in the coalition cabinet. But there were 9 people.

The DPR at that time was really not under control, right? It was not under control. Why? Because he was born from a process of reformation or half revolution. Well, besides than revolution, it's also evolution. This is what Prabowo did. He is not a revolutionist.

He can be an evolutionist. He is a revolutionist, of course. But he wants to be an evolutionist. We have to wait and example for the Indonesian people, both the executive and the legislative. For example, this country is not for your grandfather, not for your children, but for the Indonesian people.

It takes time. It depends on whether President Prabowo can can he have quick agendas? What are the three agendas that should be accelerated in order to restore the country back to the atmosphere in the early days of the reform market? Everyone wants to work for the country, not everyone wants to take the money from the country to go home. First, we have to break the chain with Jokowi and his regime. Because this regime is the one that teaches the destruction and corruption of Indonesia.

The culture of corruption everywhere. The culture of children who want to the president or vice president, governor, or even the seracahnomics. It's all about the culture. If people say seracahnomics, the president of the Seracahnomics, it's already a culture. It can't be considered as an independent entity.

It's a whole system. So, people are mafia. If you identify Prabowo, you will see rice mafia, mining mafia, and mafia... It's like that. But mafia is everywhere. What can we do? Break.

Break the relationship. You are mafia, but this is not a group. This is a republic. You are a group. 10 years without a leader. You don't have to join anymore. That's one. There were three questions.

The second is the caderization. There is no one who can be the same as Prabowo in terms of ideology, if there is no caderization. Prabowo might succeed in doing a cadre in the Gerindra environment. And some of the ex-military elites, like the Sapri group, but in other groups, it is not possible. Golkar and others have different cultures.

So, he must quickly do the ideologization. How did he do it? He could have done it by retreating, not by joking. Maybe the one who gave the retreat was not the people from the past, but Rocky Gerung, maybe me, maybe someone else. Retreat, and then repeat. They told them the difference between Weberian, David Osborne, and Althusser. Louis Althusser and Gramsci.

Who can explain this to the governor, the governor, the mayor, etc. It's our mission to understand the concept of the country. What's the difference between Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and others? People who have been activists for a long time, they see the country in a construction for the people, they have to fill it.

So, if the president wants, if there is a retreat, he can just do it. Don't let others do it. They don't understand the country. Maybe they don't understand the country.

The president can do it. But he can't just go down to do it. but he can't do it directly. So, there was a radical break.

The relationship was broken.

And the second one was to do intensive cadreization so that they can have different ideologies. What is the ideology? A country for the people. There is no personal interest. Prabowo was successful in doing that. For example, in the asset-to-asset trade,

people are busy with the law on asset-to-asset trade. Masisom wants to pass the law on asset-to-asset trade. Before the law existed, the government was stealing the assets. The black conglomerate. The illegal black conglomerate, the oil, was taken away. For the country, it won't go in.

I have checked, there is no family member who went in. They are just throwing away the 1,000 trillion corruption. There are no people who are involved. So, the Pramo still shows that it is a threat. But the threat can't be avoided if it is not followed. The third one is the personnel.

I think the personnel has to work hard because the people need certainty. Certainty that there is no more poverty, unemployment, and failure in the MBG. They are all good people. So, 30-50% of the people are pro-Boris, but they change their cabinet. Those are the three questions. In the double nationalism, the people are playing with their daily life.

Eating is their daily life. Meanwhile, it seems that the things that happened earlier still take time. How long do you think the people can wait? They have started to talk a lot. People are not in the right position. The demand for reshuffle has been there for a long time.

Why can't it be done right away? Meanwhile, for the people, it is a duty. That's why there are three things. Decision, direction, and then go to the person. If that is the first thing that is done, then people have hope. People are the most important thing is new hope.

If there is new hope, there is hope. If you have a new hope, you will be patient. Even in the US, they have a new hope program. Yes. I mean, the most important thing is that Prabowo gives hope. Hope is... There are two facts, if I can see it. For example, the change of policies, the paradigm of the government. But people can't see what I see.

Because our schools are high to be able to see.

What they can see is the price of rice going down.

That's why. New Hope can only do that if it's... what's been done for a long time is eliminated first. Because it's a group that can make the price of rice go down if the country functions. It's serious. If there's still an old group, it will be disturbed. Why? Because there are oligarchs and others who is a reinseeker. He doesn't want to sell rice at a price that is not beneficial for him.

That's why Prabowo said he was a rice mafia. But the rice mafia came from the past regime's power. If I met Prabowo minister of the government, I don't want to mention his name, but he already told me the name of the so-called rice mafia by Prabowo. I know what the rice mafia means from the minister.

The minister he mentioned is actually a part of the past power that Prabowo has established now. So, it has to be cut off. That's the question from Dharmawan asked. How fast? The fastest is if we break the first step, there is a new hope. Then the second step is to reshuffle the cabinet.

In two months, we just reshuffle it. Why? It's confusing. Because the provost is not the one who replaces the non-electoral, the electoral winner. The electoral winner is the party. It's okay, but the good one. That's it. Then the third one, how to run while people are being cadres.

So, actually, no one is late. But if he, I see until October, there is no Juhub, maybe people will also see Prabowo there is no hope. or maybe people will see Prabowo as a hopeless person. It's already September, right? August, the end of August, September.

So, actually, there's only one month left. How much, if I were to evaluate what you have done did or maybe from the conversation with people around Mr. Prabowo, how crucial is it that Mr. Prabowo immediately gives hope to the public? Yes, if, I mean, from which side?

From the side that decided.

If the objective situation, of the decision-maker. If it's an objective situation, if we talk about an objective situation, it means it's an academic view. Right? It's objective. So, from all the evidence, it should be that

one year has already been evaluated which then results in changes. there has been an evaluation that has led to changes in the orientation and the cabinet. It can't be prevented. Because a year is a cycle of consensus. Academic consensus is 100 days, 6 months, 1 year.

A year is the maximum. If you go beyond that, people will say, it's just a rumor. Will you ever go beyond 100 days? You did, right? 6 months? We can see that you did.

It seems like, are you sure 6 months, we see it's passed. Is it clear that Prabowo is sure to do to be or not to be in the first year? I don't know the real history, but for example, Prabowo responded about how to take illegal palm oil and illegal mining. They respond to become a state asset. Then, it's about old assets.

But the new assets in the new world, for example, rare earth mining. Prabowo made a mineral industry. He understood that it can't be given to people, it can't be given to the RRC or anything. It must be the country that controls it. That's why it was formed.

It saw that our beach was going to be controlled by the conglomerates. It immediately formed an authority body. Actually, I have already told you about the authority body to Prograsco when I met with Governor Banten, when the North Tangrang case happened,

the smuggling case,

was going to be taken by a conglomerate, right? I said, this is not allowed. Because the sea cannot be controlled by people. Only God has the sea. No conglomerate can control the sea. The sea must be given to the country.

The solution is to give the governor of Banten as the head of the northern coast authority. But suddenly we see Prabowo made it as long as Java. So the body of the authority of Java coast. Alhamdulillah, we are happy with Prabowo. Prabowo has ensured that it has a country. People can't suddenly admit that the beach has a conglomerate.

It's private. There are many private beaches along the peak, along the Ancol. It's all private. We can't do that. Now I'm the resident of Jakarta. Where can I enjoy the sea?

Where can I go? There's no beach. I have to pay for it. There are 30 kilometers along the coast in North Jakarta. 10 kilometers are controlled by the government. I can't go to the government. It's a company. 10 kilometers are controlled by the government.

I have to pay for it. What if I have money? what if I'm poor? 10 kilometers is controlled by the rich. That's not fair. It should be all back. Everywhere in the developed countries, it's 1 kilometer.

The beach has no inhabitants. So, it belongs to the public. Public. So, with the authority, I see that the King has a good plan for our nation. That's an irony, that a country that affirms in Article 3.3, the earth, water, and natural resources contained in it, are controlled by the state and vice versa, on one side, on the other side,

then there is a fact like earlier, that there are 10 kilometers of the Jakarta beach that are controlled by the government. What other things do you think have been thought of by the President? And then it will be immediately corrected. If the president is different from us, if we read about the BPUPKI, if our president, his grandfather was in the same organization. So, he was lucky. So, he had no history from the circle.

His grandfather. Then his father was involved in continuing. So, because his grandfather was a member of BPUPKI or KNIP at that time, Pak Margono. So, actually, Prabowo has memorized it. It doesn't need to be taught about the 33 countries that were present. Prabowo's business is not a problem at the paradigm level. Prabowo's business is need to be taught. Prostration is not a prayer at the level of paradigm.

Prostration is how to implement between the vision and the result that always make us confused. Why are there still these solo movements that make this slow? That's it actually. Why is there a saying, the inner circle?

Because we are all convinced that not all, not even one person is able to handle all the problems. Because there must be people around him. That's what always becomes a question, why Mr. Prabowo still uses the old people, who are not even as credible as John,

but people who were full of questions in the past.

Why not teach them the question?

That's a mystery. Because I didn't support Prabowo in 2024, so I didn't know the concession. Everyone wants to be in power, there must be a contract. If I supported Prabowo in 2014, and Prabowo in 2019, I know that Prabowo's political contract with the groups is not a threat ruin the country. For example, Hatta Rajasa, they are both idealists.

And Sandiaga Uno, 70% of them are idealists. Sandiaga, right? If it's a young person too. Yes, if it's Fufufa or Gibran or whoever, there must be a detailed discussion. If we get the President, we will get the President.

Maybe what was said by Honi Rukandini was true. The President only had 2 years of concession. So, in 2026 or 2027, Prabowo will be the president. If that happens, if in 2026, Prabowo will be the president, and he will be given the position of the representative, which will cause a lot of problems for many people.

And it will cause that when it rises, won't it then affect the name of Pak Brabowo for the rest of his life? The big problem is when we look at China, when the emperor was called Puyi. Puyi, the last emperor. The last emperor, right? Because he was a kid.

Maybe this is what will happen in Indonesia. Indonesia will be dissolved in 2027 or 2030. But if Indonesia is dissolved, we don't know how many countries will be dissolved. Actually, Indonesia has the Dutch, the King of Ries, Majapahit, Sriwijaya, Ries. So, we can say that Indonesia will be dissolved. We don't know.

If that happens, actually, in my head, it will affect you. So, is it possible that there will be a new government? Or is it just a coincidence? If that happens, in my head, it will affect Mr. Prabowo. So, what was said by Mrs. Connie Rahakundi about the two-year concession after that, she said it was right. But it's possible that Mr. Prabowo didn't accept it, not because of betrayal,

but because of his patriotism towards this country called Indonesia. Yes, that's right. We are, what is it called, the objective phenomenon, it's not what we control. Is there a political contract between Prabowo and Jokowi that can't be avoided? So, for example, Prabowo has shared power with them. For example, power can be a time. We can't know that.

The relationship between state and civil society, social movement, that's another story. Because many people don't want to see such a change in the middle of the road. For example, Pak Sunarko and his friends. They don't want to hold a TNI forum.

So, in this history, TNI forum will be heard more. And Indonesia will still holding on. Maybe the president and his representative can lose one package. We don't know. But we love this nation. So we hope that whatever happens in the future,

we as a nation will stay united. Even though the country can be a new country, but the nation is the same. That's what I think. Back to the current movements, especially on August 25th and today, August 28th. If, as you said, the audience is also anonymous, but there is

orchestration, is there really an indication that this movement will be made by chaos? Will it be made by chaos? chaos. How come in 2025, there was a pretty hard battle with the police? That became a scenario, I mean. Yes, I mean, I always say that from the three things that Prabowo is doing now, democracy, then the issue of poverty,

and then the issue of democracy and anti-corruption. Prabowo is a bit weak in the issue of democracy. Because there was a past, people accused him of being an authoritarian, a criminal, etc. But in these two, he is good. He is 100% anti-corruption. If there was someone who was killed,

then it will be exaggerated. about the murder of Prabowo. So, they want to make him a criminal. He has a scenario to make Prabowo to be a game over faster. That's what I read. If it's chaotic, there will be no leader. Because if there is a leader in every demonstration,

the atmosphere can be controlled. Because people can say, we will be disbanded at 6 o'clock. That's it. Because as yesterday, there was no leader, the leader was anonymous, etc. But there was an orchestration from outside.

If this happens continuously, what is the most effective way to avoid this kind of chaos? to not make the bones like this so strong? First, personally, the president must show the public that he is still healthy. Because the speculation created in the public is that Prabowo had a stroke, and he is getting older. So, if he is constantly disturbed by issues, like we have discussed in January, February, March,

all the women are in a tense situation. So he might be unwell. So if he is healthy, the people who disturb him are tired too. I disturb him, but he is still healthy. We pray that was still healthy. We prayed for him to be healthy. And secondly, if it was like the 25th case,

he had to reveal it. It was his regime. So, the police had to reveal who was the actor behind the demo. Not to blame. But the actor had the demo yesterday. It's not blaming. But the actor must be known. Without being announced.

It's announced. If there are 5 or 3 organizations and there are shops involved, so that the public knows. We as a people have a public space, a space with us.

If there is a demonstration anywhere in Indonesia, as long as it's Indonesia, we want to know who is the demonstrator. Who was the one who hit the car window yesterday? Is it related to the drug organization? Is it related to any organization? The police will reveal it in a short time

so that the public knows that there is a part of our society that is currently angry. And also identify people, right? Will they join or not? Yes, of course. Because we have a hierarchy. If I see Jumur Demo, Rocky Gurung Demo, or Anies Demo, I want to join. Because I know that they are part of the social group that I believe in.

Their goals are pure. I want to know who the group is. Maybe this group is good or dangerous. So, the police have to order the capolri to tell the public who was in the demo the August 25th demonstration. The 28th demonstration was cancelled. They had declared that there was no problem.

That's what I think. How can the government do the best to minimize the anarchist demonstrations on the one hand, while he also has to face the real difficulties of the people. The people are hungry. Actually, it is good to destroy the oligarchy that is too greedy. Like the case of Harija Khalid, the case of Timah, the case of Yakult, etc.

The big ones like Nadiem Makarim, and others. All of them were exposed to the public. All of the corruption cases, 1,000 trillion, 100 trillion, 10 trillion. During the Peramboni era, all of them were exposed. No one could hide anymore. During Jokowi's era, they could hide. Now, they can't hide. That's great.

It means that this will make people unable to be rich. For example, Noel. He can't be rich. For example, if you want to be rich, you can't. You will be hit. That's good. So people should know that you don't create social happiness. Right?

The second one is the poor. We talked about the inequality. The poor are the ones who are trying to provide free food, free school, poor people's school, etc. So, what I mean is Prabowo is working. It's true that people's patience is not easy.

Especially those who have a heart disease. Those who have a heart disease, it's easier to be a fan. How to make anti-Prabowo keep growing? Because they are worried. Why? Because they have been successful all this time. For example, I became a king of Halib. How can I be touched for the last 20 years? I am a Congolese. I came here by myself.

There are many kings like that. Now, the anti-Prabowo is all disturbed. So, they will definitely try to support every movement. And the king of Indonesia Gelap has given a statement that the action of Indonesia Gelap is supported. We have discussed it here. There is the nature, but there is the support.

That's it. One more thing. What do you think the kingresident should do immediately? Should it be through him directly or through his trusted people to immediately create, let's say, matters issues that are maybe a bit complicated for some people, but for the small population, it's not complicated. About the high HET rice price,

then about the rising taxes, it needs immediate handling so that the public's tension can be reduced in a short time. The most important thing is the food. People won't rebel if he's not hungry. That's what it is.

Prabowo has to make sure the price of rice is cheap and available.

Right?

The issue was the rice mafia lost 100 trillion. I think it's too much to complain to Prabowo. I think it's around 33 trillion. Because the increase is only premium rice. Right? Multiply by 3,000, my calculation is around 99 trillion.

Not 100 trillion. 9.9 trillion, not 100 trillion.

That's 10 times more.

Yes. That's the ABS. As long as you're happy. You don't know who's making noise. So, the president, starting now, I think, has to build a collective system

in the way he delivers the news. Don't just let the minister deliver the news and he'll accept it. Let the minister deliver the news and he'll accept it. The minister says it and you accept it. That's a mess. Poor president.

Because it's garbage in and garbage out. I mean, the president is... For example, the team that monitors the rice mafia, how much is the actual loss? How much is the loss watching the Mafia Bras team? What is the actual loss? How many palm oil losses? How many palm oil losses?

Prabowo has planted 3.1 million hectares of palm oil on the 15th of March in DPR. It has been taken by the state. Who will be the team that will verify? Will it be brought by the Segnek Coordination? So, before entering the president, he was filtered first in a team. I saw a lot of people who became the president, and the president immediately talked about it.

If he believed, he talked about it. In the end, it was ruined. Because people who were accused of being rice mafias were all accused. In the end, he was lazy to do business with rice. In the end, it was rare rice. It became expensive. That, it's expensive.

That's what's happening now. Meanwhile, Bulog himself is not sure if he can do the market operation quickly. Because Bulog is actually from his 4 million stock of rice, maybe the good one is only half. Because the other half has been imported in the Jokowi era. So it was already broken. So the president should not listen to the ABS. How many people were actually around the president and his ministers who were directed by ABS? In my opinion, there were still 50%.

It was bad. It was bad. It was still bad. Because it was the carryover. The leadership. So, it's still deciding to be one of the

something that must be in the end. Of course. So, the orientation has to change. Ideology. For example, BUMN. Has it changed?

The business struggle in BUMN. For example, BUMN. What has changed in BUMN? The competition between businesses in BUMN. For example, in Telkom, PLN, PGN, etc. It's the same as Jokowi's era. They don't think that the current business is a business with a pramowo orientation. Contracts between private companies and BUMN, for example, are not contract with Marab, or a fictitious project. It should be a serious project, right?

So, what should we do? I saw the head of the cadet with the cadet yesterday, they also tried to retreat to match the vision, right? Well, hopefully we'll wait. Okay. Thank you, Sir. One thing that I remember the most from our meeting this time is

what is it called? I am most hopeful about cutting the past. Cutting people from the past. One big history always looks to always consider the power that is tied to the suffering of the people will be forced to listen in a way that they never expected. Nabi Muhammad peace be upon him said,

truly pray, the most honored person there is no hijab between him and Allah even though he is an infidel, hadith of Ibn Ahmad and the Caliph Ali bin Abi Talib reminds the country can be firm in its downfall, but it will not stand firm in its cruelty and injustice.

When the food price is rising, taxes are filling the airspace, while officials are showing off their wealth in front of the people, then there will be not just an economic crisis. That is a sign of the collapse of the legitimacy of morality and power. A country that wants to survive must listen with a clear mind,

not to be overwhelmed by violence. It must present a truly just policy, not a cheap rhetoric. Without the justice that the people feel, democracy is just a name, formality without soul. Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh.

Waalaikumsalam warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Waalaikumsalam warahmatullahi wabarakatuh.

Thank you.